Roots
of Christianity & Judaism in Egypt
We
all know that Egypt is a predominantly Muslim country, but Christianity
has deep roots in the Land of the Nile that pre-date Islam. And in fact,
Christian Copts continue to play a strong role in Egypt,
The Holy Family found refuge in Egypt after fleeing from Herod. St Mark
found a people receptive to his preaching. Like Christians, Egyptians
believed in life after death, which is why they embalmed and mummified
their dead. They had celibate temple attendants who
led lives of poverty and prayer. Mark was martyred in Alexandria, but
his followers remained firm.
Among
early Coptic Christians, Jesus was at first viewed as a great prophet
in the tradition of the Old Testament. Differences about the nature of
Jesus continued to divide the new religion. His early followers, like
other early Christians in the Roman Empire, were persecuted for their
beliefs and practices. St. Mena was the first major Coptic saint, martyred
in 309 A.D.
After
Emperor Constantine and the Roman Empire embraced Christianity, Coptic
Christianity became part of the wider Christian world. Christian monasticism
started among the Copts, and spread to Europe. The Nicene Creed, the essential
statement of faith, was written in Alexandria.
But
as the Church in Rome grew closer to the emperor, strains grew in far-flung
corners of the Christian world, including Egypt. Pope Dioscorus of Alexandria
objected to the emperor’s influence, and disagreed with Rome over
whether Christ had two natures—human
and divine—or a single nature. The Trinity became church doctrine,
and “false bibles” that did not agree with the dictates of
Rome were ordered burned. Egypt’s own Pope, who didn’t yield
to Rome, was forced to
flee.
The
dissidents found refuge in desert sanctuaries, such as Wadi El Natroun,
where they established monastic orders and preserved their beliefs. And
their ancient texts survived as well in the dry desert air, to be re-discovered
in the thirties.
Jews,
as well, have longstanding ties to Egypt that go well beyond what we know
from the story of Passover. The Old Testament relates that Joseph found
refuge in Egypt from drought in the land of Falstine, or Palestine, and
that Jews dwelled there for 400 years.
In
the process, through periods of prosperity, slavery, liberation and exodus,
Egypt left its
indelible mark. The ancient name” Miriam “or Mariam”—from
“Mari-Amon,” “Mari-Am” or servant of the god Amon—became
that most typically Jewish name, Miriam.
Rituals
of birth, marriage, death and the harvest, still followed today, were
virtually identical with
those of their Egyptian neighbors. Tomb paintings in Egypt show that ancient
Egyptians and Jews both practiced circumcision, the only two peoples in
the region to do so. Jacob and Joseph were both mummified after they died,
though eventually the practice was dropped. Ritual slaughter of animals
among both peoples was carried out by severing the carotid
artery.
So,
it is not a stretch to say that both Christianity and Judaism have deep
roots in the ancient land of Egypt.
We
are proud to work with Sofitel Hotels in Egypt, Morocco and Greece
Luxury with a French Flair
The
Mummy as Medium
A provocative
new study links Roman-era Faiyum portraits to pharaonic religious beliefs.
By Robert Steven Bianchi
Ever since they were found more than 100 years ago in the cemetery of
El-Rubayat in the Faiyum, a rich agricultural region southwest of Cairo,
so-called Faiyum portraits have intrigued Western art scholars. Considered
rare examples of Graeco-Roman painting, possibly precursors of Byzantine
icons, they were not linked in any meaningful sense to the mummies from
which they had been unceremoniously ripped in anticipation of profitable
sale to European collectors. Scholars regarded them as visual commemorations
of the dead painted in a classical idiom; no one entertained the possibility
that these life-like portraits might somehow be indebted to the traditions
of pharaonic Egypt. Now, in a refreshing break with such traditional biases,
comes Lorelei H. Corcoran’s Portrait Mummies from Roman Egypt (Chicago:
Oriental Institute, 1995), a work that will surely rock the hellenocentric
art world and set new standards for the interpretation of these intriguing
images.
Faiyum portraits have been found attached to mummies at sites from the Mediterranean
to Upper Egypt. They depict men, women, and children who lived in Egypt
during the Roman Imperial period, from the first to the fourth century A.D.
That so few portraits have been found in any one cemetery suggests that
those portrayed were among the elite of their day. The portraits were painted
in either tempera or encaustic (hot wax in which pigments have been suspended)
on paper-thin wooden panels or linen shrouds. One or two of them have been
found with frames, suggesting that they may have been hung in houses during
the lifetime of the subject. This is confirmed by the fact that the tops
were often cut back before being attached to mummy bandages, following,
apparently, the ancient Egyptian tradition of providing mummies with masks.
The paintings became popular in Europe after their discovery in 1887.
Theodore Graf, a Viennese dealer who acquired most of those found at El-Rubayat,
toured Europe and North America, selling many at a handsome profit. Their
immense popularity at the time may be attributable to the contemporary
European predilection for miniature portraits, particularly in Victorian
England. That even Egyptologist Flinders Petrie, infamous for his Spartan
character, was moved by these paintings is evident from his 1913 publication,
The Hawara Portfolio: Paintings from the Roman Age, one of the first archaeological
“coffee table” books. Many of the portraits were published
in color and at postage-stamp size in this volume, clearly reflecting
their association with Victorian miniature portraits.
From the beginning, Faiyum portraits were discussed, analyzed, and dated
as if they were independent works of art. Divorced from the mummies to
which they had been fastened, they were studied as examples of Graeco-Roman
painting, the only corpus of comparable material being the wall paintings
of Pompeii and Herculaneum. Almost every book and journal article published
before 1985 treated them as examples of Graeco-Roman painting that had
nothing in common with the art of ancient Egypt. Scholars regarded the
individuals depicted as either Greek, descendants of those who had come
to Egypt with Alexander the Great or were invited there by the Ptolemies,
or Hellenized Egyptians who appropriated a classical mode of representation.
The composition of many Faiyum paintings relies on the interplay of light
and shadow across the surface of the panel. White accents painted on the
pupils of the eyes give them a sparkling, life-like appearance. This technique
anticipates similar highlights by Rembrandt and Hals of the European Baroque
some 1,500 years later. Indeed, I believe that there may be a good pharaonic
antecedent for the use of light and shadow on these portraits. In my recent
work on the wall paintings of the Tomb of Nofertari, wife of Rameses II,
I discovered that ancient Egyptian painters were interested in effects
of light and shadow at least 1,000 years before the earliest Faiyum portrait.
In some representations of Nofertari craftsmen used different gradations
of the same hue-two different shades of a rosy pink, for example-to depict
her face. The result was a nascent chiaroscuro that compares favorably
with techniques used in the Faiyum portraits. Although not all the links
between tom and Faiyum portraits have been identified, one cannot overlook
the possibility that the painting style of the Faiyum portraits was a
native Egyptian phenomenon.
Such techniques, which also characterized Victorian miniature portraits,
have universally been regarded as deriving from paintings of the Hellenistic
period, the golden age of Greek wall painting. Unfortunately, those paintings
are preserved only in the writings of ancient authors, which abound with
references to great painters, including Apelles, who was granted the exclusive
right to paint portraits of Alexander the Great. Scholars have considered
Faiyum portraits the artistic heirs of Greek artists such as Apelles,
whose works were hailed for their life-like qualities, and assumed that
both painters and subjects were Greek. Fearing that a rival might rise
up in Egypt, following the example of Anthony and Cleopatra, Augustus
had barred most Romans from the province. The only Romans allowed in Egypt
were members of the administration and the legionaries of the occupying
garrisons. The official language of the Roman administration was Greek
rather than Latin because the prominent members of Alexandrian society
were virtually all descendants of Greeks who had come to Egypt during
the Ptolemaic period. These historical circumstances reinforced the art
historical evaluation of the Faiyum portraits as Greek. No one bothered
to ask why the portraits had been affixed to mummies.
It is within this tradition that another new book, Euphrosyne Doxiadis’
lavishly illustrated The Mysterious Fayum Portraits, Faces from Ancient
Egypt (New York: Abrams, 1995), is to be understood. Doxiadis, who studied
painting and lives in Athens, writes about the Faiyum portraits in an
engaging, popular style, and her love the subject is evident. Her narrative,
heavily indebted to prevailing ideas about Alexandrian society in the
Graeco-Roman period, is decidedly hellenocentric, peppered by frequent
references to and translations of appropriate passages from Greek and
Latin texts. She lays the Faiyum portraits squarely in the lap of classical
art, and regards them as among its consummate expressions. Relying on
her own skills as a painter and on her knowledge of ancient and modern
Greek language and traditions, Doxiadis posits a direct relationship between
Faiyum portraiture and the merging use of icons in the Greek Orthodox
Church of the Byzantines. It is a fascinating suggestion that I have long
supported. Doxiadis’ premise is that the tradition of Hellenistic
wall painting continued into the Roman Imperial period. The Faiyum portraits
were part of this continuum, which was the source from which Byzantine
icons emerged.
A third book due out this year is Barbara Borg’s Mumienportrats
(Mainz: Rutzen, 1995), which is based on her thesis at the University
of Gottingen. Borg contends, as do many, that the fashions depicted on
the portraits can be related to those then prevailing in Rome. Since the
sculptures of identifiable Roman empresses often have distinctive coiffures,
women depicted on the Faiyum portraits with the same hairstyles must have
lived about the same time. Reviewing the evidence, Borg concludes that
Faiyum portraits had a much shorter period of popularity in antiquity
than is generally maintained. Her approach is also hellenocentric in that
she assumes that the individuals depicted are Greek, or at least hellenized.
It also overlooks the way in which the bodies were wrapped and decorated,
an equally valid source of evidence.
Both Doxiadis and the Borg fail to acknowledge two basic characteristics
of all Faiyum portraits – their provenance, or findspot (cemeteries)
and archaeological context (attached to mummies). They rely on the old
hellenocentric interpretation of the Faiyum portraits as Greek-derived
works of art, and they do not question it.
In contrast, Corcoran, of the Institute of Egyptian Art and Archaeology
at the University of Memphis, has focused on the fact that the Faiyum
portraits once decorated mummies, and she has studied examples in Egyptian
museums that are still attached to mummy-wrappings. Her statistical survey
of cemeteries demonstrates that mummies with Faiyum portraits were rare,
painted only for elite members of society. She also shows that the clothing
and jewelry worn by those in the portraits and the objects that they hold
are consistent with the trappings of worshipers or Isis and the deities
associated with her, including Serapis and Horus the Child. In every instance
the wrapped bodies are decorated with scenes and motifs that are purely
pharaonic in nature and conform to well-established ancient Egyptian funerary
traditions. These include the so-called baptism of the deceased, a purifying
ritual; the mummy being attended by Anubis, god of embalming; and the
depiction of the deceased as a human-headed bird. Whatever the ethnicity
of the individuals represented on the portraits, the visual vocabulary
employed in expressing their religious beliefs was purely pharaonic and
not indebted to influences from Greece or Rome. As a result of Corcoran’s
work, one is inclined to regard the people depicted as members of a native
Egyptian elite, rather than of the Graeco-Roman community in Egypt.
Corcoran’s reassessment does not stop there. For her, these paintings
were not simply beautiful works of art but were functional objects. Her
investigations reaffirm the suggestion, made long ago by Flinders Petrie,
that on some occasions these portraits were hung in houses of the living
during the lifetime of the person represented. Examples with frames have
long been known, and when the individual portrayed died, some of these
framed images were removed and cut so that the panel could be more easily
wrapped to the mummy, hence the irregular shapes of their tops. The Faiyum
portraits were also subjected to other alterations after their manufacture.
Gold leaf was added to many, either in the form of wreaths or in the form
of gold laid over the mouths or other parts of the face. The use of wreaths
in Roman Egypt in pharaonic funerary contexts is associated with resurrection.
That they are gilded reinforces this concept because the ancient Egyptians
regarded the flesh of their deities as being made of gold. The addition
of gold leaf to the faces of these Faiyum portraits implies their deification
as well, further supporting Corcoran’s conclusion that the portraits
and their mummies belong to a pharaonic tradition.
But the most intriguing aspect of her thesis relies upon and understanding
of ancient Egyptian funerary rites and practices. The Egyptians believed
that the living could communicate with the dead, and that the dead, so
contacted, could have an impact on the lives of the living. An early example
of this belief system occurs in the so-called Letters to the Dead. The
earliest, written on small pieces of papyrus, are of Old Kingdom date,
and reveal that the misfortune of the living could be reversed by the
direct intervention of the deceased. This nexus between the living and
the dead is encountered again during the late New Kingdom at Thebes, where
busts of ancestors, honored as “excellent spirits of Re,”
were venerated in the homes of the living.
It is within this context that Corcoran has reexamined a rather macabre
episode in the Xenophon’s second-century A.D. novella, Ephesian
Tale. Set in Egypt, the story involves a widower who keeps the mummified
body of his wife at home. According to Corcoran, the text indicates that
the wife’s mummy was perhaps equipped with a Faiyum portrait so
that her husband might remember her as young and beautiful. He also talked
to his dead wife and shared meals with her. Far from being an ancient
precedent for Alfred Hitchcock’s Psycho, this episode clearly suggests
that the ancient Egyptian concept of the living communicating with the
dead was still being practiced in Roman Egypt. Other texts, such as those
associated with Petubastis III, High Priest of Ptah in the time of Cleopatra
VII, mention mummies that were kept with the living for extended periods
of time. The practice may explain why some coffins from Roman Egypt, such
as one in the J. Paul Getty Museum, have sliding lids, so they could be
opened for face-to-face communication.
Traditionally scholars maintain that funerary spells were formulated to
assist the dead in their symbolic journey to the hereafter and resurrection.
Relying on the earlier work of other Egyptologists specializing in religion,
Corcoran shows that many of these spells were efficacious for the living,
as this passage from Book of Amduat (That-which-is-in-the-Netherworld)
indicates:
These sorceries of Isis and the Eldest Sorcerer for repelling Apophis
[a demon] from the sun god, Re, in the West are performed in the hidden
part of the netherworld. They are performed upon earth as well.
|
